Unsustainable Development in India?

Introduction

As India’s economic growth is accelerating in a social and environmental fragile context, non sustainable ways of development are privileged by decision-makers, i.e. politicians, business communities and even by the majority of the population. The general feeling being that only economic growth based on services, heavy industrialization and exports will pull the country out of poverty, while environmental damages are being considered only as ‘externalities’[1], in a hope of a hypothetic Kuznet’s curve at a low per capita income level (Sawhney,2004). External costs that should be paid by the communities living around the industrial sites, instead of being recorded as ‘bearable limits’ and ‘acceptable costs’ linked to development[2]. Yet costs of ecological rehabilitation are deemed to be obstacles to growth and progress (Sheth, 2004). Investments are also sought to finance infrastructure building[3], notoriously lacking and unevenly distributed inside the country (Etienne,2007). This inevitable integration into the global market is being done through a process of deregulation and legal reforms abiding to market laws more than institutional advice on ecological management. The argument being that states by lowering environmental standards are attracting foreign industries in a so called ‘race to the bottom’(Curmally,2002).
India is also witnessing the growth of territorial along with social inequalities, illustrated by the industrial corridor of development linking Delhi, political and administrative capital, and Mumbai, the business capital. This project supported by Japanese stakeholders might further reinforce imbalances between East and West India. It is therefore necessary that economic, social and environmental issues are addressed in public actions, although boundaries of environmental public policies are sometimes not clear, fields of expertise not well defined and private parties not constituted in efficient groups (Muller,2000). The case of Gujarat perfectly shows how both organized and unorganized social movements have been attempting to counterbalance power of both the government and the enterprises, as they are seeking political avenues through a better democratic governance. Governance implies an interaction between the State, the private sector and the civil society creating a favorable environment in which citizens can sustain a development enjoying fully of their rights and duties and rule of law upheld by civil institutions and courts. Are therefore involved in governance ‘multilevel stakeholders’ understood as interested parties who participate in the regulatory process and possibly contribute to decision making (Milbert,2007). They are therefore upholding different agendas, on the one hand, metropolitan growth and corridors of development, and on the other hand sustainable development and ecology. Governance entails a recognition of the citizenship status depending on self representation, together with an access to power ascribed by the politics (Poche,1992) as non-governmental organization have been playing an important role in judicial activism, raising their voices defending the environment and people affected by its degradation (Hettige, 1996; Hartmann, 1997).

Economic take-off priorities
As a result of liberalization in 1991, capital development[4] has been imposed by a market submitted to international institutional conditions. Foreign investments combined with scientific and technological development from the time of independence have explained India's progress in agriculture, industrial biotechnologies and information industries. The growth of an average of 8% has been fueled by exports and the green revolution. Exports[5] are valued at about US$ 90 billion, whereas imports US$ 131 billion (2005-2006) mostly in capital goods, raw materials, consumables and intermediates for industrial production and technological up gradation (GoI,2007:148). This performance relies on a favorable global market, foreign investments, and a growing domestic consumer market, in the car industry for instance (Suzuki merging with Maruti) (Rodrik&Subramanian,2004), adding one thousand cars a day on the streets of New Delhi consequence of the ‘rebound effect’ (Narain,2007a). As a result, some national laws had to adapt in order to satisfy investors, in a search for balance between a sovereign state and globalized capitalism (Sassen,1996). Authors[6] argue that the Indian culture shaped by religion and the cast system, more than by the territory, has helped the central government and the states to undertake what they thought would be useful and people showed a relative flexibility to adapt to external pressures (Arifon,2007). Therefore, their values and norms have been partially shaped by the ‘neo-liberal’ economy[7] with a growth of GPD leading to a rising of middle class (circa 220 million people). This growing middle class is paving the way to profit as symbolized by the venerated Goddess Lakshmi synonymous with better welfare providing further evidence of the emergence of a material culture (Sahni&Shankar,2006). This phenomenon has become more marked with migrations of non resident Indians, bringing back a more entrepreneurial liberal cost/profit mindset (Tharoor,1997). In a word, India is aiming at becoming the third largest economy in 2012, based on its strategic core values: large domestic market with high consumption, service-oriented market, high tech capital and intensive industry (Roy,R.B.,2007). High production outputs are feasible since relying on human resources: large pool of non qualified ill-paid labors on one side and qualified employees paid at internationally competitive rates on the other side. It is interesting to note that while industries and services make up 80% of the GDP, it involves only 40% of the working force (GoI,2007) which leaves out a great portion for agriculture and the informal sector.
Economic momentum and ecological equilibrium
India a country of “low cost manpower and bountiful natural resources” (DIPP,2007:29)
Another crucial aspect of production involves natural resources (timber, agriculture, water, fish and mining) exploited industrially in exchange for foreign currencies. Only a private propriety regime rendered it possible. Indeed, the allocation of resources differs in a propriety from a possession regime. In the possession regime, still current in villages and tribes, people bear collective responsibility over common resources[8], whereas the propriety regime enables financial operations that may be detached from the concrete aspects of the propriety. Loans have to be reimbursed in a temporality related to solvency. Natural resources are no longer considered as part of the biosphere[9] but as assets as to meet liabilities (Soto,2001). Accentuated privatization promoted by the globalization has definitely increased the resource consuming process. The role of international institutions (World Bank, WTO[10]), and industrialized countries is significant in involving countries like India into the business cycle of foreign liabilities (US$132.1 billion in 2006[11]).
Moreover, private propriety regimes has led to rise of land value by enabling the set up of industrial estates and townships. In an endeavour to restrict speculation on land, foreigners have not been authorized to buy estate except in special economic zones (SEZ). Large reserved space required by infrastructures and the related industries sometimes compelled Indian people to leave and move into overcrowded or infertile areas (Prud’homme,2004). This territorial severance aggravated ‘brown’ environmental issues arising from industrialization and urbanization (industrial wastes, water, and air) as well as sterilization of land, exploitation of natural resources, deforestation, and land degradation, biodiversity loss, called ‘green’ environmental issues.

But the market is not meant to respond to those issues, as the sale of natural resources actually contributes to GDP (Gadrey&Jany-Catrice,2005), whereas pollution and its collateral social costs such as poor health and environmental damages are not accounted for. Even the biodiversity and the ecosystem (biotope and biocenosis) that bear a definite value are not taken into account in economic data. The paradox of development reaches its peak when the country earns currencies working as ‘dumping ground’ for foreign companies[12], since the generated pollution is local (particles, toxic gas) leading to immediate damages in a limited geographical area. As energy from non renewable resources fuelling the entire economic growth is bound to be not sustainable[13] developing countries are forced to continually reconsider their energy sources and potential options. Indian production for instance has been largely dependent on mineral resources and oil import (2.098 million bbl/day by CIA estimate, 2004). According to the Indian Central Electricity Authority’s 16th survey, peak demand is expected to increase by 77% to 157 by 2012. The total investment required in capacity creation, along with necessary investments in transmission and distribution segments is estimated at US$ 200 billion; while the 11th Plan (2007-12) expects US$ 320 billion for all infrastructures including private investments. As a result, foreign investments in this sector are encouraged by favorable policy incentives: 100 % foreign equity participation, 5-year tax holiday, a mere 20 % import duty (Ministry of External Affairs,2007:46).

The international discourse differs when CO2 emissions are affecting globally. The greenhouse effect calls a controversy superseding the common but differentiated regime of emission. The Centre for Science and Environment suggested the need for intra-national per capita emission rights as it is the poor in India, not the rich, who under-utilise their share of emissions (Down to Earth, 14.12.2007). Nevertheless, global environmental change will increase the demand for India’s adaptive capacities on international environmental regulations (Biermann & Dingwerth, 2004). Co2 emission and its effects on the environment positively depending on energy consumption, the government also acknowledges the need to tap renewables as wind and solar energy (UNEP, 2006), bio power as bioethanol, biodiesel from jatropha[14]. Recently, the Prime Minister even urged the people to come forward with creative and innovative ideas on how to meet the challenge of sustainable development (Press Trust Of India, 05.06.2007). The reason is twofold. India having quadrupled its oil consumption in 20 years, from 1980 to 2000 (World Development Indicators, 2004) needs to find efficient ways of production, and only the global market and foreign investments could actually provide some clean development mechanism (CDM). CDM is the path to carbon reduction leading to cashing carbon credits. The catch is that the very attractivity of India resides in its less stringent environmental regulations to develop industrialization. The internal contradiction of this concept is actually embedded in India’s environmental policies.

Environmental policies

In 2006, the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) along with the Parliament and industry associations formulated a National Environment Policy (NEP) to mainstream environmental concerns in all development activities and sectoral policies. This document provoked a large number of protests from environmental groups across the country as the NEP made the environment subservient to wealth generating sectors (Kothari, 2005). Besides, although local communities lives are most intertwined with the health of the environment, they were not consulted. Accused of falling short of long term vision and consistency, its regulations however are in perfect accordance with the International Convention on Biological Diversity (1985): a simple assessment of the biodiversity and means of protecting it in order to further exploit natural resources[15]. In effect, the MoEF’s main function (and budget) is to protect critical wildlife habitats by vetoing or amending projects.
In the case of the industrial corridor, NEP facilitates the procedure since the steering authority, the central and state government agencies, the state-level committee, and the central and state companies (ports, airports, roads, industrial areas, power etc.) have to submit their projects to the MoEF for clearance that should ideally assess the interrelationship with land use and infrastructure planning, corridor acquisition and land use, traffic, transport, parking and access, noise and vibration, flooding and surface water, flora and fauna, Indigenous and non-Indigenous heritage, visual and urban design, social and economic impacts (Auluck, 2007). Under the Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) Notification, certain categories of industries, about thirty, require mandatory environmental clearance that has become a mere “no increase in pollution load”. Sensitive industries involved in transportation, airports, power plants and armaments are excluded. So a single application under the three laws of water, air and hazardous waste has been introduced with grant of consolidated consent and authorization for a period of five years (Auluck, 2007). As the EIA has been reduced to a procedural formality, project have been cleared despite poor assessment, including plagiarized studies. Consultation with independent expertise agency is de facto no longer mandatory (Dubey,2002). Most EIA are particularly weak on wildlife and biodiversity aspects too. In situations where additional environment and wildlife impact studies have been asked for, they are either ‘rapid’ assessments which are inadequate to assist in decision-making, or are detailed studies to be conducted after the clearance has already been granted (Menon&Kohli,2007).

Environmental management

Environmental management being an imported concept, international companies are naturally sought to prop up technological transfers to make Indian products suitable to exporting standards (Sawhney,2004). A similar hope remains that the building process of energy, transport or industrial infrastructure will usher in investments in ‘leapfrog’ technologies[16] to avoid pollution. Nevertheless, very few foreign multinationals have actually imported state of the art environmental control equipment (Zarsky, 1999; Ruud, 2000). The WTO free trade in environmental goods and services has been disappointing too. One of the most proeminent outcome remains the civil nuclear agreement on the way between United States and India as means of carbon free power generation (India Today, 28.04.08). Some Indian exporting companies have subscribed to the ISO 14000 certification[17], whereas manufacturers supplying the local market are not under the same pressures to show concern about social or environmental regulations (Chahoud et al.,2007). This quality label creates a link between the environmental management and the products or services. Every phase of production is supposed to optimize the use of resources and the production of wastes thanks to ‘leapfrog’ technologies enabling 1)a minimal use of natural resources 2)recycling of wastes and 3)alternative sources of energy. Strains on natural resources has to be reduced, since any economic process uses energy and material taken from the environment to transform it into a product, leading to an irreversible entropy[18]. As a matter of fact, industrial enterprises are mainly responsible for polluting, especially those exploiting mines, energy, chemical, and mechanical apparatus. As they produced tonnes of wastes, including toxic wastes, most of them are buried all together, dangerous waste, waste hard to treat, along with galvanic mud[19]. The problem of removal is worsened by the lack of safe condition of storage. This considerable amount of wastes includes minerals that could be used by industries.
This industrial ecology principle of using wastes and dispersed energy/material has been carried out successfully in some states. The corporate paper sugar complex in Calcutta is fueled by cogeneration bagasse based. Sugar cane plants to produce paper, the bagasse (residue) pith used as combustible and waste water for neighbouring agriculture (Erkman,2003). But more investment in research and development is needed, along with a political will that combines scientific and technological ingenuity with ‘Gandhian’ ethical and social principles (Hulse,2007:154). In 2007, a spirited Hindu engineer, Vinod Kumar Agarwal, invented a bioethanol bonefire for cremation, sparing thus four hundred kilos of wood. This little anecdote is revealing though. Well crafted policies should not only require finances and technology contracted under public private partnership or other commercial regimes. Similarly ‘greenwash’ policies, as the US$ two hundred thousand forestry development project financed by Japan are lesser evil[20]. The reason why the per capita area of forest of Gujarat is far below to meet the requirement of firewood, timber, fodder and other forestry products is the lack of sound environmental practices. Policies and programs cannot be implemented without the support of various stakeholders, which implies accurate information, transparency of procedures and definition of roles.

Delhi Mumbai Industrial Corridor: the case of Gujarat

The Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor (DMIC) project was finalized on July 23rd 2007 in Tokyo, when India and Japan signed an economic partnership agreement in the context of an India-Japan Joint Study Group headed by Shri Kamal Nath, Minister of Commerce and Industry (previous Minister of Environment) and Mr. Akira Amari, Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry. This “global manufacturing and trading hub” supported by world class infrastructure and enabling policy framework emphasizing local skill and agriculture (MCI, 2007:5) is located in West India (see annex 1) and covers six regions, namely Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. It includes 24 commercial nodes[21]; each node hosting SEZ investment regions and industrial areas of 20,000 hectares minimum. A dedicated freight corridor and highways will offer high-speed connectivity to link under developed regions along the corridor to well developed regions. Gujarat took the project lion’s share (38%) consolidating its position among the most industrialized states[22].
First of all, Gujarat is also one of the most polluted in the Union. Its ‘golden’ corridor, 400km belt of industrial estates, extends from Vapi in the south to Ahmedabad in the north. The Blacksmith Institute and the Gujarati Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti (PSS) organization have located more than twenty very heavily polluted and hazardous sites, including cities as Ankleshwar (city dealing with Bhopal’s toxic waste), Vapi, Baroda ; ports as Alang (dismantling asbestos contaminated ships), mines, rivers (Amlakhadi, Sabarmati) and watersheds (PSS,2000). Vapi is one of the most critically polluted areas of the country. The Damanganga River feeding the drinking water resource for the surrounding villages, has received effluent loads from the city industrial estate with pharmaceuticals, pulp and paper, pesticides, agrochemicals, and dye industries. There are sludge storage sites and an artificial unlined pond at the bank of the river containing huge quantities of toxics.
In the conditions of lack of financial resources, another approach would be the emission market (carbon credit). But again, as all the mentioned methods, it only deals with pollution abatement, without revamping the industrialization structure. DMIC might be a chance to enhance the ecological conditions as projected clusters of complementary industries could supply infrastructures with dispersed energy. As more funds for investments (as US$ 30 billion are underway[23]) into up gradation of infrastructures and small medium enterprises, ecological along financial considerations could interest the potential Japanese investors. The methods of financing involve several parties. First the Government of India developed a project development fund through a public private partnership (PPP) scheme that fosters participative planning as well as implementation. Then investors are channelled through the so called ‘special purpose vehicles’ (financial bodies linked to the investing parties) manage risk and limit the costs of a potential bankruptcy (Gorton&Souledes,2005). They assist in acquiring land for setting up infrastructure, and facilitate clearance required by the state government in Irs and Ias. Finally, the Japan Bank for International Cooperation is supposed to represent the Government interests.
Secondly, Gujarat is used to privatizing (ports, power, and rail & road infrastructure) and establishing nodal agency for infrastructure development through private participation. It enacted an act for private sector participation in 1999, and rules and regulations in 2004 for the approval of 39 SEZs. They are located near major agglomerations for close access to labor, research centers, and outlets, as well as access to transports into the hinterlands or to exporting ports (see annex 2). As a consequence, tremendous rise of value of estate, urbanization and a boom of construction industry brought shortage of land due to competition between property developer and speculators. Mangroves and marshy land in the south and south east of Surat by private and public residential developers were invaded. Industrialization in the form of locating industrial complex without adequate housing and other infrastructure push people into slums[24].
Thirdly, until recently agricultural land could only be bought by farmers within a radius of eight km. The prohibition on sale and purchase of tribal land was lifted. Changes are sought in the old Land Acquisition Act[25] to make it easier for the government and industries to acquire land anywhere in the name of public purpose. Residents of Mundra (Kutch), rose in revolt against Adani port authorities because their access to their homes and workplaces was being restricted (PSS,2000).
Finally, Gujarat has also been the scene of international protestations against displacement of people in a dam project on Narmada[26] river in 2001 followed by important religious riots in 2002[27].

Ecological catastrophes point out that in practice, traditional control and command (CAC) policies linked to an ‘end-of-pipe’ approach have been deficient, even if correctly implemented. The reason is that standards of emissions are set by the MoEF for different industrial activities, but independently of volume of pollution generation. A small scale industry[28] equipped with an end-of-pipe pollution control device could perfectly meet the environmental standards, emitting little but constantly. Moreover, the legislation remains incomplete as the Water Act for instance covers industrial effluents, not domestic and municipal which yet constitute 90% of the watershed (Sawhney,2004). Besides, poor implementation of the ‘polluter/payer’ mechanism failed to internalize the cost of waste disposal into the cost of the product in the engineering, financing and contractual processes. Unfortunately, pure CAC regimes are often as costly as market-based abatement regimes, like the deposit–refund system[29]. Besides, laws are poor of liability for damages, poor environmental disclosure (Paulus, 1995)

Territorial expansion bears an environmental, social and economic cost as the inhabitants are confronted with water-related and environmental health risks. Increasing social fragmentation led to intra-urban (water and energy) supply shortages[30] and huge health inequalities. In the forlorn periphery the simple presence of political parties other than the ruling party have resulted in conflicts and contestations.

Multi-level governance

Notwithstanding poor environmental results and notorious social unrest, Gujarat claims a proactive government with a transparent private sector investment process, sound fiscal base, a robust regulatory framework, sector specific policies implemented, an enhanced public accessibility through E-governance, and finally a focus on information, facilitation and fast tracking of approvals along with renowned educational institutes. Researchers for instance have designed an environmental information system for monitoring water and air quality in urban areas in order to better address and visualize the pollution corridors[31]. Gujarat industrial corridor already projected two water treatment and one urban transportation, with minimal investments of US$122 million each, from the whole budget of 12 billion dedicated to infrastructure development (GoG,2007:8).

In Gujarat, the Environment and Forests Department is the apex body for implementation of all the environment related matters including Environment (Protection) Act, 1986, umbrella Act on environment in the country. The main mandate of the Department is to achieve sustainable development and introducing sound environmental management practices[32] with US$ 875,000 per year[33] budget at its disposal (see annex 3). Half of it is dedicated to natural resource management. The Department has four executing agencies viz Gujarat Pollution Control Board (GPCB), Gujarat Ecology Commission, Gujarat Institute of Desert Ecology and Gujarat Environmental Management Institute, for discharging its functions. The GPCB is entrusted with the job of implementing the standards laid down. The board carries out the regular monitoring of industries. These state agencies have in theory wide powers to penalize offenders, including ordering the closure of manufacturing units. The GPCB has proposed incentives (relief of 50% in environmental audit fees) to industries for obtaining ISO 14001. the fear would be to see exports being rejected by OECD on environmental norms. It also launched a special drive in 2004-2005 to check the quality of emissions from flue gas stacks of industries in Ahmedabad. As a result, sixteen erring units were supposed to modify their system[34]. Section 5 of the Environment Protection Act enables the State Departement to stop the supply of water and electricity to units not complying with the various provisions of the environmental and pollution control laws, notably on ash generated by the coal/lignite based thermal power plants and the ozone depleting substances. The integrity of controlling and implementing officers is monitored by the Central Bureau of Investigation, the Central Vigilance Commission, the Union Public Service Commission and the Department of Personnel and Training. A vigilance awareness week was observed in the Ministry in 2006 and a pledge was administered about integrity and transparency in all spheres of activities and for eradication of corruption in all spheres of life (MoEF,2007). A World Bank funded environmental project is intended to strengthen institutions in Gujarat in proper compliance of the regulations, in environmental policy and planning, and in creating technical support. The World Bank has been also appointed for the sale of Carbon Credit in order to sustain a solid waste management project. Gujarat is the first State in India to undertake such a project and expect return of US$ 40,000 per year[35].
In case of public interest litigation[36] (PIL), the Gujarat Environment Department is the respondent in the High Court and Supreme Court of India and has to ensure compliance of the directions of the court. In Vadodara, Hema Chemicals illegal dumping of 77,000 tonnes of toxic chromium waste from 1965 until 2001, despite the enactment of the Hazardous Waste Rules in 1989, has spurred the largest public interest litigation in Indian history. GPCB has sued the industry for Rs. 17 crores (US$ 4.25 million). The case is currently under appeal in the Supreme Court[37]. In Bajwa, central Gujarat, heavy rains in 1998 caused radioactive waste to flow into the town affecting several residential areas. The slush may have contained cadmium, chromium, copper, lead, manganese, calcium, magnesium, sodium, potassium, silica, sulphate, total phosphate, fluoride, and radioactive substances. The Indian People’s Tribunal on Environment and Human Rights reported that the dumping of gypsum at the site was still going on despite a Gujarat High Court order restraining the company from doing so.
As the EIA should be a joint process based on adequate information policy and a monitoring system, Environmental Public Hearing has been made mandatory by the Government of India. It functions as a comprehensive decision support system including administrative units, the private sector and the wider public. The Department has therefore constituted District Level Committees consisting of officials as well as non-officials for conducting such Environmental Public Hearing processes[38]. In 2002 though, civil representatives and environment activists who were participating in a Public Hearing organized by the GPCB were assaulted and dragged out by a chemical manufacturer assisted by policemen. Then, on March 27, 2002, public hearings for 19 industries took place in a single day – due to which the affected communities did not get to attend the hearings. Involving 15 units manufacturing synthetic dyes in the Vatva Industrial estate, near Ahmedabad, the hearings were about industries that had been operating without any environmental clearance and with a higher installed capacity than permitted (Krishna & Gopal, 2002). As Pargal et al. (1997) showed, community pressure do not seem to induce lower pollution.
As a matter of fact, environmental governance has ‘invited’ multilevel stakeholders in «a complex tapestry of competing authority claims» (Mehta et al.,1999:18). Project affected people and their defenders, environmental and human rights groups and representatives of local self governments are emerging actors competing with traditional state and industrial decision makers. Their aim is to prevent further social and environmental damages. Their political action is based on democratic principles and future generations concerns (Lélé,1991). Their tool is the public opinion, judicial action, expertise and possibly demonstration. One account about 1500 NGOs in India. Nevertheless, judicial approach suffers from two drawbacks. First, it does not put an end to the end of pipe system as the action is a remedy for the harm already done. Secondly, the judicial approach is not economically efficient as an indirect market based instrument. In fact, remedial action can be stalling as cases linger for years. Compensation are sought financially for the affected parties without actually finding means to clear polluted sites.

Conclusion

The Indian national agenda has taken note of the development of international conventions about the long term survival of ecosystems threatened by climate change. Nevertheless, finances and technology are still needed to mitigate environmental degradation and its related social costs mostly bore by the economically weaker groups. Since economic instruments direct environmental policies, the trend is twofold. Either India manages to get financial assistance and technology thanks to the global environmental interdependence; or it finances itself technology via further industrialization and carbon credits.
So far, the DMIC project is crafted to primarily enhance economic development via PPP schemes. And development could perfectly be a factor of social stability if decision making process and growth benefits are properly shared. But the biosphere becomes hard to preserve without fair distribution; quality of life will degrade if not monitored properly; and depletion of resources will increase if serving an ever growing global market and a national minority. Who will then carry the burden of unsustainability[39]? Precaution and planning should therefore be chartered to respond to those pressing issues of health disadvantages, industrial environmental management, and land-use dynamics.
The example of Gujarat shows that ecological and social issues cannot be properly tackled under the present governance and DMIC potential economic benefits might be rapidly thwarted by territorial and ecological constraints leading to further social unrest. It seems that the clash is structured in the institutional system as the NEP serves economic priorities, EIA functions as procedural formality and Environmental Public Hearing offered as sop to citizens. As a consequence, traditional environmental governance has witnessed the emergence of some countervailing power[40] made of individuals exerting their civil rights. The rule of the game theory which is based on social relationships and behavioral norms, has encompassed the borders. Can the Japanese civil society pressurized Japanese companies[41] contracted under the industrial corridor partnership scheme into holding up to their reputation?
A growing environmental industry could enhance sales if properly lobbied by governments. Some sectors are also promising as the health one, via private clinics or rejuvenating cures in clear environment. Finally, tourism could be further promoted along the corridor, especially with improved infrastructures.
This partial loss of governance to national and international market stakeholders deepens the concern for sensible environmental policies and management. As multi-level governance actors vie with each other, the paradigm of ecodevelopment based on premises of self reliance, durability, and satisfaction of fundamental needs (Sachs,1980) could definitely be a common agenda. Although democracy is linked to ecology “Globalisation has relocated sovereignty from people to corporations, through centralising, militarising States. Rights of people are being appropriated by States to carve out monopoly rights of corporations over our land, our water, our biodiversity, our air. States acting on the principle of eminent domain or absolute sovereignty of the State are undermining people’s sovereign rights and their role as trustees of people’s resources on the public trust doctrine. State sovereignty, by itself, is therefore not enough to generate countervailing forces and processes to corporate globalisation” (Shiva,2003). As Arundhati Roy simply stated, the core of the solution is that we have to respect the environment, there is no alternative.

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Government of Gujarat (GoG), 2007, Gujarat : a promising investment destination, report, Japan-India Economic Parnership, July 3
Ministry of Commerce&Industry (MCI), Department of Industrial Policy&Promotion, 2007, Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor, Report, New Delhi, August 22, p.5-7
Ministry of Environment and Forests, Government of India, Annual Report 2006-2007
Ministry of External Affairs, 2007, , India - Dynamic Business Partner : Investor Friendly Destination, Investment and Technology Promotion Division, New Delhi
Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti, 2000, Golden Corridor : Digging our own grave, Bharuh, India
Prud’homme, R., 2004, Infrastructure and Development, Paper, Annual Bank Conference on Development Economics, Washington, May 3-5
Roy,R. B., 2007, Incredible India Growth Story, Choudhury Memorial lecture, Mumbai: 29 January
UNEP, 2006, Indian Solar Loan Programme: Overview & Performance Report, August

Internet links:
Centre for Science and Environment
http://www.downtoearth.org.in
Environmental groups
http://www.irn.org/
http://www.narmada.org/
http://www.emeraldinsight.com
http://www.toxiclink.org/
http://www.indiatogether.org/environment
http://www.blacksmithinstitute.org/
Ministry of Environment and Forests
http://www.moef.gov.in
http://envfor.nic.in
DMIC
http://www.sarkaritel.com/news_and_features/july2007/03japaninvestdmic.htm
Gujarat
http://www.cpcb.nic.in
http://ic.gujarat.gov.in/promo-sch/env-prot.htm
http://gujenvfor.gswan.gov.in/geerfoundation.htm
http://www.gesindia.org/news.htm
http://www.gemi-india.org
[1] as Milton Friedman explains, the unintended consequences of a transaction between two parties on a third
[2] see Redclift, M., 1989, Sustainable Development : Exploring the Contradictions, NY : Routledge
[3] mainly power plants, roads, transport systems and waterpipes
[4] Reserves of foreign exchange and gold US$176.1 billion (2006 CIA estimate)
[5] agricultural and industrial sectors : fish, manufactured goods, as also engineering goods, ores and minerals, chemicals and related products, gems and jewellery, and petroleum products
[6] Sri Aurobindo for instance blames the Indian tamas for their indifference to ecology
[7] a reduction to a minimum the role of the State, while favoring privatization, liberalization of exchanges, capital markets, and deregulation of enterprises, the State only stabilizing the prices
[8] see Adarsh Gram Yojana (model village plan) and system for water audits (Narain,2007b)
[9] “The biosphere is the planetary ecosystem in which biodiversity is diversity of the world at every level of the hierarchy, from the biological organization to genes” (Grinevald,1996:8)
[10] see Stiglitz, J.E. & Charlton, A., 2005, Pour un commerce mondial plus juste: comment le commerce peut promouvoir le développement, Paris: Fayard.
[11] www.cia.gov (consulted 15 November, 2007)
[12] See Copeland and Taylor’s model,1997
[13] see King Hubbert’s peak (www.hubbertpeak.com/hubbert/1956/1956.pdf)
[14] Indian biocarburant also called ‘fuel tree’
[15] as the interrelations between the biocenosis and the biotope in a biosystemic approach are not tackled
[16] post industrialized countries transfer clean technology to industrializing ones in order to avoid past ecological mistakes
[17] Over a thousand large companies in India, http://www.bis.org.in/ (consulted on Nov. 23 2007)
[18] Heat is an unusable waste and the ecosystem is delimited as degradation is irreversible (Georgescu-Roegen, 1971)
[19] that bears chrome, nickel, copper and other heavy metals, petroleum, coloring agents, and toxic chemical wastes
[20]
[21] viz self-sustained industrial townships with infrastructure, road and rail connectivity for freight movement to and from ports and logistics hubs, served by domestic/international air connectivity, reliable power, quality social infrastructure
[22] 83 product clusters across 182 industrial estates: Chemical and Petrochemical, Pharmaceutical, Textiles, Engineering and Automobile, Diamond processing, Information Technology and Financial services, Agro-Processing, Dairy Engineering, Steel Pipes, Cement, Salt Engineering, Ceramics, Petroleum and Minerals Engineering, Brass Parts and Soda Ash.
[23] Investment and Technology Promotion Division, Ministry of External Affairs, India, 2007.
[24] Sridharan, N, 2007, Shifting territories, citizenry and conflicts in Surat’s periphery, paper, European Association of Development Research and Training Institute, Geneva, October 1st.
[25] as compensation has to be proposed by the Collector, cases can be lagging
[26] Roy, A., 2000, “India’s Greatest Planned Environmental Disaster: The Narmada Valley Dam Projects’’
[27] alleged 1000 Muslims killed in retaliation for burning down a train coming back from Ayodhya full of Vishva Hindu Parishad (Universal Hindu Association) members
[28] 12.3 million units employing 29.5 million people contributing US $ 27 billion in industrial production
[29] all potential polluters are subjected to a tax (deposit), the collection of which may be apparently equally expensive and difficult in practice as collecting fines under CAC.
[30] see Amiraly, A., Prime, N., Singh JP., Rainwater harvesting, alternative to the water supply in Indian urban areas : the case of Ahmedabad in Gujarat
[31] Patra & Pradhan, 2005, Disaster Prevention and Management, vol 14, N° 3, pp. 326-342
[32] http://gujenvfor.gswan.gov.in/profileframe.htm (Dec.5, 2007)
[33] calculated as 1 INR = 0.025 US
[34] http://www.cpcb.nic.in (Dec.6, 2007)
[35] http://ic.gujarat.gov.in/promo-sch/env-prot.htm
[36] writ petition can be filed under Article 226 of the Constitution against local bodies in cases that affect individuals
[37] Report of the Supreme Court Monitoring Committee (Sub-Committee) to Gujarat, 30.03-01.04.2004
[38] http://gujenvfor.gswan.gov.in/profileframe.htm
[39] “a practice or process that can't go on indefinitely because it is destroying the very conditions on which it depends.” (Michael Pollan)
[40] In the classic liberal economy, goods and services are provided and prices set by free bargaining. Modern economies give massive powers to large business corporations to bias this process, and there arise 'countervailing' powers in the form of trade unions, citizens' organizations and so on, to offset business's excessive advantage
[41] namely Matsushita Electric, Hitachi, Chiyoda Corporation, Sumitomo Corp, Mitsui Group, Kowa Company Ltd., C.ITOH & Co. Ltd., Ricoh Company Ltd., Japan Metal Gasket, Kyoto Machinery, Nippon Sanso, Seiki Kogyosho, Nichimen